A1 Vertaisarvioitu alkuperäisartikkeli tieteellisessä lehdessä
Processing modifier-head agreement in reading: Evidence for a delayed effect of agreement
Tekijät: Vainio S, Hyona J, Pajunen A
Kustantaja: PSYCHONOMIC SOC INC
Julkaisuvuosi: 2008
Journal: Memory and Cognition
Tietokannassa oleva lehden nimi: MEMORY & COGNITION
Lehden akronyymi: MEM COGNITION
Vuosikerta: 36
Numero: 2
Aloitussivu: 329
Lopetussivu: 340
Sivujen määrä: 12
ISSN: 0090-502X
DOI: https://doi.org/10.3758/MC.36.2.329
Tiivistelmä
The present study examined whether type of inflectional case (semantic or grammatical) and phonological and morphological transparency affect the processing of Finnish modifier-head agreement in reading. Readers' eye movement patterns were registered. In Experiment 1, an agreeing modifier condition (agreement was transparent) was compared with a no-modifier condition, and in Experiment 2, similar constructions with opaque agreement were used. In both experiments, agreement was found to affect the processing of the target noun with some delay. In Experiment 3, unmarked and case-marked modifiers were used. The results again demonstrated a delayed agreement effect, ruling out the possibility that the agreement effects observed in Experiments 1 and 2 reflect a mere modifier-presence effect. We concluded that agreement exerts its effect at the level of syntactic integration but not at the level of lexical access.
The present study examined whether type of inflectional case (semantic or grammatical) and phonological and morphological transparency affect the processing of Finnish modifier-head agreement in reading. Readers' eye movement patterns were registered. In Experiment 1, an agreeing modifier condition (agreement was transparent) was compared with a no-modifier condition, and in Experiment 2, similar constructions with opaque agreement were used. In both experiments, agreement was found to affect the processing of the target noun with some delay. In Experiment 3, unmarked and case-marked modifiers were used. The results again demonstrated a delayed agreement effect, ruling out the possibility that the agreement effects observed in Experiments 1 and 2 reflect a mere modifier-presence effect. We concluded that agreement exerts its effect at the level of syntactic integration but not at the level of lexical access.
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